*Ελληνικη μετάφραση
Does any of this matter? Of course it does, given how prominent conspiracy theories have become in contemporary discourses (Oreskes & Conway, 2010). Here are some examples:
One of the most significant
steps in turning stories from colourful anecdotes and vignettes into part of
mainstream research methodology has been the search of the truth of a story not
in its factual veracity but in its meaning.
Once we realize that many
stories cannot be factually ‘proven’, we can still treat them as narratives that
express powerful emotions, desires and passions – they express what people want
to believe is true rather than what necessarily happened. This is important and
almost self-evident.
Several things follow. One is
that many stories draw on deep symbolism and assume mythological qualities. In
such stories, archetypes like the hero, the trickster, the villain, the impostor
and the victim emerge very clearly – their characters are not so much complex
and complicated human beings as powerful symbols with relatively invariant
qualities.
Another is that a story’s power
lies in its ability to ‘resonate’ with its audience, to sound plausible and,
therefore, truthful, i.e. to be verisimilar. This is what makes conspiracy
theories important types of story. They seem plausible to the point where they
resist correction by any appeal to ‘facts’.
Effective conspiracy theories
are such powerful narratives that virtually any fact can be accommodated
in them. A very simple narrative technique for discrediting any counter-fact is
to argue that it is itself part of the conspiracy – that the conspirators have
planted it in order to cover their tracks. This is why ‘it is easier to slay a
dragon than to kill a myth’ (Gabriel, 1991).
Another common feature of conspiracy theories is to ask the
question “Who benefited from an event?” and then argue that whoever benefited
from it was its cause. “Who benefited from 9/11? The state of Israel. Ergo Mossad was behind it.”
The essence of a conspiracy theory then lies in its ability
to:
- explain something bad, a failure, a disaster etc. in relatively simple and plausible terms
- attribute the failure to the actions of somebody (the ‘agent’) who stands to gain from the accident, disaster or failure
- invest the agent with malevolent intentions, cunning and diabolical ability to subvert every attempt at unmasking.
- incorporate every detail, action and incident within this overall plot.
Does any of this matter? Of course it does, given how prominent conspiracy theories have become in contemporary discourses (Oreskes & Conway, 2010). Here are some examples:
- Food scares
- Health scares (e.g. inoculation)
- Climate change (from both sides)
- Politics plots and scenarios
- Business conspiracies and cover ups
So, let’s apply the conspiracy theorists’ rationale to
conspiracy theories themselves? Who benefits from conspiracy theories? Clearly
the mass media benefit from such theories, since any whiff of conspiracy and cover-up
does wonders for newspaper circulation, fuelling public paranoias and moral
panics.
At a deeper level, however, it seems to me that conspiracy
theories serve the interests of those who wish to undermine public institutions
and honest discourse. Ultimately, it seems to me that conspiracy theories are a
major instrument in the hands of those who wish to destabilize and subvert
democracy. This is what makes them especially dangerous and demands that anyone
with genuine concern for democracy should beware of them.
I am not, of course, arguing for a gullible citizenry who
will believe whatever it is told. But when it comes to political discussions, ‘stories’
alone are not enough.
Oreskes, N., & Conway, E. M. 2010. Merchants
of doubt : how a handful of scientists obscured the truth on issues from
tobacco smoke to global warming (1st U.S. ed.). New York: Bloomsbury
Press.
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